FGV 2025.2Questão 36de 60The information in the article most likely supports which of the following statements?
InglêsInterpretação de texto
Numeração da prova tipo 1.
Texto das questões 35 e 36
A FRAGILE REFORM
- For the past couple of years much of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, was reduced to rubble [escombros] by demolitions. Now luxury apartments, parks, and cycle lanes are rising from the ruins. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister, believes the old city must make way for a cleaner, shinier one.
- Mr Abiy is transforming not just Addis, but Ethiopia. Long [por muito tempo] one of Africa’s state-controlled economies, the east African country of 135 million people has recently begun to liberalize. A year ago, not only did it allow the value of its currency, the birr, to be determined primarily by market forces of supply and demand, but it also entered an International Monetary Fund (IMF) program worth US$3.4 billion (3% of GDP). A number of reforms, if successful, will radically alter its economic system. “What they are trying to do is comparable to the transition economies after the fall of the Soviet Union,” says Steven Dercon of Oxford University, who has advised several Ethiopian governments on economic policy. Ethiopia hopes to follow the path of countries such as Poland and become an economic power. Yet it may end up looking more like Russia, its transition derailed by corruption, conflict, and chaos.
- Following decades of Communist dictatorship, the government began to allow some space for free markets in the 1990s. But it retained tight restrictions on private enterprise, growing through debt-fuelled state investment in infrastructure. Yet since a sovereign default [não pagamento da dívida interna ou externa] in 2023, following a devastating civil war, forced Ethiopia to ask the IMF for a bailout [socorro financeiro], it has opened up banking, retail, and other sectors to foreign competition, and relaxed restrictions on repatriating profits. On July 1st parliament approved a law allowing foreigners to own property. The country plans to privatize some stateowned firms. In January it opened a stock exchange.
- Economic performance has been encouraging, according to official data. The IMF estimates that the economy grew by 7.2% in the year to July 2025. But this rosy picture may not be the whole story. The IMF relies on government data for its estimates, but has repeatedly complained about “the quality and availability of economic statistics” in Ethiopia. Less formal measures such as electricity demand indicate the economy is growing – but probably not as fast as official figures suggest.
- Investors say that reforms have so far been superficial. A former executive at a multinational company says state-owned firms still enjoy unfair advantages. Others lament that Ethiopia’s economic system is still characterized by complex regulations, a bewildering bureaucracy, limited competition, and restricted imports. A good rule of thumb [regra informal mas prática], says one investor, is that anything not explicitly permitted is forbidden.
- Moreover, corruption, which used to be relatively rare, seems to be increasing. In 2023 almost twothirds of Ethiopians felt it had increased in the past year, according to Afrobarometer, a public opinion research organization. Procedures such as applying for a passport have become impossible to complete without paying a bribe [suborno]. Some complain of having to grease official palms [subornar agentes do governo] just to pay tax.
- Yet the most important barrier to investment in Ethiopia remains conflict: besides the insurgencies raging in the country’s two most populous regions, Oromia and Amhara, tensions with neighboring Eritrea continue to rise, in large part because Mr. Abiy has made no secret of his desire to grab that country’s Red Sea ports. Nothing deters investment like an imminent war.
Adapted from The Economist, July 19th-July 25th 2025
The information in the article most likely supports which of the following statements?
- Alternativa A: In Ethiopia, the act of bribery exists in a gray area, in which it is neither explicitly permitted nor explicitly forbidden.
- Alternativa B: Clandestine forces in Eritrea have been playing with fire by financing the armed insurgencies in the Ethiopian regions of Oromia and Amhara.
- Alternativa C: Fearing economic chaos and war, so many Ethiopians are trying to leave the country that passports can only be acquired through bribery.
- Alternativa D, a correta: If Abiy Ahmed tries to take possession of Eritrea’s Red Sea ports, he will put his economic reform plans at risk.Resposta
- Alternativa E: Eritrea has made it clear that it will go to war to protect its Red Sea ports.
A questão pede a afirmação que o artigo sustenta.
O último parágrafo:
"The most important barrier to investment in Ethiopia remains conflict" (a barreira mais importante ao investimento na Etiópia continua sendo o conflito). As tensões com a Eritreia crescem "in large part because Mr. Abiy has made no secret of his desire to grab that country's Red Sea ports" (em grande parte porque o sr. Abiy não esconde o desejo de tomar os portos desse país no Mar Vermelho). E o texto fecha: "Nothing deters investment like an imminent war" (nada afasta tanto o investimento quanto uma guerra iminente).
A ligação com a reforma:
A reforma de Abiy depende de investimento: abrir setores "to foreign competition" (à concorrência estrangeira), deixar estrangeiros terem imóveis, abrir uma bolsa de valores. Se a disputa pelos portos leva a uma guerra, o investimento some e a reforma fica em risco.
Conferindo a alternativa:
A alternativa A está incorreta. Ela diz que o suborno, na Etiópia, fica numa zona cinzenta, nem explicitamente permitido nem explicitamente proibido. A regra "anything not explicitly permitted is forbidden" (tudo o que não é explicitamente permitido é proibido) descreve a burocracia econômica, não o suborno; e, por essa regra, nem existiria zona cinzenta. O texto trata a corrupção como algo que "seems to be increasing" (parece estar aumentando).
A alternativa B está incorreta. Ela diz que forças clandestinas da Eritreia financiam as insurgências em Oromia e Amhara. O texto cita as insurgências "raging in the country's two most populous regions" (que se alastram nas duas regiões mais populosas do país), mas não liga a Eritreia a elas.
A alternativa C está incorreta. Ela diz que, com medo de caos e guerra, tantos etíopes tentam sair do país que passaporte só se consegue com suborno. O passaporte aparece como exemplo de corrupção: "applying for a passport have become impossible to complete without paying a bribe" (tirar passaporte ficou impossível sem pagar suborno). O texto não fala de gente fugindo do país.
A alternativa D está correta. Ela diz que, se Abiy tentar tomar os portos da Eritreia no Mar Vermelho, vai pôr em risco seus planos de reforma econômica. A tentativa aumentaria a tensão, uma guerra iminente afasta o investimento, e a reforma depende dele.
A alternativa E está incorreta. Ela diz que a Eritreia deixou claro que irá à guerra para proteger seus portos. Quem "made no secret" (não escondeu) sua intenção foi Abiy; o texto não registra nenhuma declaração da Eritreia.
O risco que a ambição sobre os portos traz à reforma corresponde à alternativa D.
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